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KUALA LUMPUR – Twenty-three year old student Aidil Azmady hails from a suburb in Melaka, the west coast state where more than 70 per cent of the population is made up of ethnic Malay/Muslims like him. He has lived in Bangi, a Malay-majority enclave on the fringes of Malaysia’s capital Kuala Lumpur for the last three years, and has few friends from other races. He is also a beneficiary of affirmative action, which has secured him a spot to study engineering at Universiti Kuala Lumpur Malaysia France Institute on a scholarship from a government agency. For him, the special privileges given to his community are equivalent to “citizen’s rights”, and should be kept. “I studied in a private college before – the fees are not affordable for Malay students,” he told The Straits Times. Race and the privileges attached to it continue to create dividing lines in multicultural Malaysia. Malays form the majority with 60 per cent of the 32 million population, while Chinese, Indians and other ethnic groups make up the remaining 40 per cent. A survey of young people released by independent think-tank Merdeka Center in September revealed that respondents across all ethnicities were evenly split over whether Malaysians should be treated equally regardless of race and religion, with 48 per cent agreeing with equal treatment and 49 per cent in favour of retaining special rights for bumiputeras, or sons of the soil, a grouping comprising mainly Malays and other indigenous people. But when the survey of 1,605 young people aged 18 to 30 drilled down to answers from Malay respondents, it found that 73 per cent of them backed the continuation of bumiputera privileges and only 24 per cent were in favour of equal rights for all Malaysians. According to Merdeka Center, 73% of Malay respondents are in favour of retaining special rights for bumiputeras. This point of view seems to be based less on bigotry or bias, and more on a genuine concern for their economic security and cultural identity – to uplift disadvantaged Malay communities and maintain bumiputera representation, as ST found after speaking to dozens of young Malay people across the country in October. A matter of economic survival In the northern rice-bowl state of Kedah, Mr Syakir Hamzah told ST that special rights are not privileges. They are instead a vital safety net for his community in a rural, low-income area. The 30-year-old padi farmer from Kampung Teroi in Yan, a 45 minute drive from state capital Alor Setar, fears that stripping away these protections could leave those below the poverty line, like him, in dire straits. Mr Syakir’s 1ha rice field is on Malay reserve land that has been in his family for generations, thanks to affirmative action. He has no savings and earns only between RM900 (S$270) and RM950 a month, which puts him in the hardcore poor category in Kedah. Being among the bottom 40 per cent of income earners in the country, he receives some financial assistance from the Malaysian government in the form of RM350 a year in cash, and an undisclosed sum from zakat, state-administered alms donated by Muslims. A large part of his income goes into servicing a loan from local Chinese traders who sell him farming supplies such as pesticides and fertilisers. He claims that many Chinese own sizeable padi fields and often charge Malays higher rice milling fees while offering better prices to their own community, though he has not encountered such practices. He said these matters make him wary of Chinese traders, even though he is on friendly terms with his Chinese neighbours. “If we give (bumiputera rights) away and the Malay economy collapses, it will be difficult for us to get back up,” he said, referring to the traditional economic activities associated with the Malay community such as agriculture and fishing. Malaysia adopted its New Economic Policy (NEP) more than 50 years ago to address economic inequalities between ethnic groups, following the May 13, 1969, racial riots that claimed nearly 200 lives and injured hundreds more. The affirmative action programme, aimed at eradicating poverty, and social restructuring, has evolved over the decades but generally gives preferential treatment to bumiputeras in the form of government jobs or contracts, discounted housing, requirements on bumiputera shareholding for listed companies, and racial quotas in education. In 1970, the median household income for bumiputeras was 28% below the national median. In 2022, it narrowed to 9% below the national median. While the policy has succeeded in raising the economic status of millions of bumiputeras, it has also been criticised for fostering dependency on government support and creating a sense of unfairness felt among other ethnic groups, potentially hindering Malaysia’s competitiveness. Rural youth see the policy as a “social ladder they can use to climb up the social economic class”, Merdeka Center’s senior research manager Tan Seng Keat told ST. Meanwhile, urban Malay young people are exposed to different experiences and see that the competition is not within Malaysia, but with the rest of the world, he said. Supporters of the policy say it has succeeded in creating a confident, professional Malay class of doctors, lawyers, engineers, bankers and accountants, and vastly reduced poverty levels for this ethnic group. Former top banker Nazir Razak told ST in June that one affirmative action success story was Malaysia’s near eradication of poverty, from 60 per cent in 1969 to 6 per cent in 2022. There are no two ways about Malaysia’s success in eradicating poverty and the NEP was at the centre of it. No one can dispute that the NEP has resulted in this massive expansion of the middle class and growth in Malay professionals. Based on figures from the Department of Statistics Malaysia, about 19 per cent of bumiputeras fell within the country’s T20 band or top 20 per cent of income earners (comprising households with a combined gross monthly income of RM11,001 and above) in 2022 . This is compared with the Chinese and Indians who had a higher proportion of their communities in this income tier at 34 per cent and 24 per cent respectively. Meanwhile, the proportion of bumiputeras in the B40 band or bottom 40 per cent of income earners stood at 41.6 per cent – higher than that for its middle class at 39.6 per cent. For the Chinese and Indians, their middle class numbers comprised 38.2 per cent and 42 per cent of their communities respectively. These far exceeded the proportion of their B40 band earners at 27.4 per cent and 34.1 per cent respectively. Bumiputeras are less likely to be in Malaysia’s top-earners band , and more likely to be in the low-earners band compared with other ethnic groups. This continued wealth disparity between the races is a key reason why the Malay community still needs to rely heavily on educational and economic assistance, says Mr Fariz Md Zain, a 26-year-old Islamic religious teacher from Pokok Sena, a rural town in Kedah. His family members are beneficiaries of bumiputera policies that allowed them to access training and scholarships, and improve their circumstances. His oldest brother Ridzuan trained to become a technician through a vocational training course at a GiatMara technical institution under Majlis Amanah Rakyat (Mara), a government agency created in 1966 to give Malays a leg up in education and the economy. His older sister Nur Mazni is now a syariah lawyer after studying at Universiti Teknologi Mara or UiTM, a bumiputera-only university. “My sister received a Mara scholarship, otherwise we would not have been able to afford to send her for studies,” he told ST. Factory technician Mohamad Firdaus Abdullah, 26, puts it bluntly, saying: “I wouldn’t be where I am today without bumiputera rights.” He was referring to his sponsored studies at a Mara-run institute in Melaka. “It’s easy for the successful and rich Malays to say that we can abolish (bumiputera rights). They forget about the rest of us who are poor.” Mr Firdaus, who lives in Ipoh, in the north-west state of Perak, is critical of those who say these rights should be scrapped, pointing out that it is often the successful who call for change, forgetting those who still struggle. Still, he notes that the Malays should not be comfortable with just getting assistance. “We need to work hard like the Chinese, especially since we have this advantage. We need to better ourselves.” For those like Mr Firdaus, these rights are less about privileges, and more about ensuring them a fair chance to thrive in a competitive landscape. Recognising cultural identity A common refrain from the youth ST spoke to was that Malaysia was “Tanah Melayu” or Malay land. They see their community’s bumiputera rights as a recognition of their birthright, cultural identity and status as the indigenous people of Malaysia. For them, it is a matter of pride, and the preservation of the Malay identity and culture in a multi-ethnic society. Affirmative action policies are seen as a way to protect bumiputera representation in every aspect of it. “Malay rights should not be abolished because Malays have been here from the start. Malaysia was called Tanah Melayu, and the Chinese and Indians came here from China and India only a few years before independence,” said Ms Sharifah Dania, an 18-year-old student in Johor Bahru (below). In fact, millions of Chinese and Indian migrants arrived in Malaysia in the late 19th century to work in tin mines and rubber estates when the country was under British colonial rule. They were granted citizenship when Malaysia became independent in 1957. While Malaysia’s communal relations have been largely peaceful since 1969, differences in language, customs and religious beliefs have on occasion heightened misunderstandings and tensions. Dr Serina Rahman, a lecturer in the department of South-east Asian studies at the National University of Singapore, and associate fellow at the ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute, said how different races interact boils down to exposure and positive experiences with people different from oneself. “Urban youth are more likely to be in multi-ethnic, multi-religious situations, and are able to find out more about different cultures and faiths,” she explained. “So there is less fear and more understanding that we are all in this together.” According to Dr Serina, fear of the unknown and few opportunities to engage with people of other ethnicities could fan mistrust and conflict, especially among the youth on social media. “This is why people believe negative stories or divisive and hateful TikTok posts and WhatsApp messages. They have no positive personal experiences to (make them) believe otherwise,” she said. Today’s youth have more opportunity to move beyond ethnic bubbles, particularly if they are working or living in the urban centres, she added. “But a lot rests on their willingness to learn more about other ethnicities and practices. As they are generally better educated and internet savvy, they should have access to more information. And hopefully, (they) will decide to look beyond online racist tropes to determine for themselves whether there is much difference between people.” For the Kelantanese, assimilation and unity begins with speaking their local Malay dialect, commonly referred to as Kecek Kelate. In this east coast state, which has been governed by the conservative Parti Islam SeMalaysia since 1990, Malays make up 95 per cent of the population. “Regardless of whether you’re Chinese, Bugis, or Siamese, we all live in the same village... We adapt to the local environment. We speak Kelate,” said Mr Mohd Iruanzi Mohd Ghazali, a 30-year-old motorcycle workshop owner in the small Kelantan town of Kuala Krai. Over in state capital Kota Bharu, Mr Muhammad Aizuddin Ghazni, who runs a smash burger stall, believes that a common language makes it easier for different races to establish ties, and is against having separate schools for different ethnic groups. “We prefer people here to speak Malay. It’s easier for everyone to integrate... These (separate schools) divide us from a young age. How can we foster unity?” he said, referring to Malaysia’s vernacular schools where the medium of instruction is Mandarin or Tamil. Malaysia’s public schools use the national language, Malay, as the medium of instruction. But vernacular schools remain part of the education system for ethnic minorities to preserve their cultural heritage and language. In recent years, Chinese vernacular schools have also seen enrolment of Malay students keen to learn Mandarin. Malaysians are generally tolerant and appreciative of cultural diversity, said Dr Lee Hwok-Aun, senior fellow at the ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute in Singapore. He acknowledges, however, that race relations can be “multi-faceted and complicated”. “There are differences in terms of putting the national Malaysian identity first versus ethno-religious identity first,” he told ST. National unity and the way forward For some young Malays, the affirmative action policy has run its course and the country should move towards equal rights for all races. Their views were in the minority – 24 per cent of young Malays in the Merdeka Center survey and ST’s own poll of 51 respondents across Kedah, Perak, Kelantan, Selangor, Kuala Lumpur and Johor in October. Notably, however, 28 per cent of the young Malays ST spoke to said bumiputera privileges should be kept, but reformed to focus more on socio-economic needs rather than race. ST’s own poll shows 28 per cent of young Malay respondents say bumiputera privileges should be kept, but reformed. Reflecting some of the younger Malays’ views that focus on fairness and inclusivity, bank employee Megat Dzulhisham said special rights for Malays remain important, but the government should increase opportunities for non-Malays in education to foster equality. “When it comes to race relations for Malaysia’s future, we shouldn’t (touch) Malay special privileges because we are still the majority and a lot of Malays will be left behind,” he said. “But I think the government should review the public university quota system to help impoverished non-Malays elevate themselves.” The 26-year-old from Perak state capital Ipoh, where Chinese and Indians make up just over half the population, said he had many non-Malay friends who were straight-A students but could not get a spot in any of the country’s 20 public universities. “They can’t afford private universities so their parents had to take loans while a less qualified Malay who is not even interested in studying was given a place in the university,” he told ST. Such racial quotas in education foster division rather than unity, said college student Syarifa Meddina Suheimi, who is of Malay, Chinese and Indian heritage. “I don’t personally support the Malay special rights in education because it creates a mindset and lifestyle of separation between Malays and non-Malays. It feels like it divides us rather than bringing everyone together as one nation,” said the 20-year-old from the capital Kuala Lumpur. Ms Izzati Hassanuddin, a 25-year-old from Johor’s rural Kota Tinggi district who works in administration, says bumiputera rights help reduce the socio-economic gap between ethnic groups. But she thinks the system can be reformed to prioritise need over ethnicity. “I think there needs to be a better balance – a system that recognises student merit while ensuring that those who genuinely need support, regardless of ethnicity, are given equal educational opportunities,” she said. Moving forward, the Malaysian government needs to invest more on education and narrow the socio-economic gaps, focusing on needs-based aid, said Merdeka Center’s Mr Tan. This approach, to shift the discussion from ethnicity to economic class, is echoed in recent moves by the government to phase out blanket subsidies and put cash in the hands of those who really need it, irrespective of race. In the Budget 2025 initiatives announced in October, Malaysian Prime Minister and Finance Minister Anwar Ibrahim took aim at the “mahakaya” or ultra-rich, saying they will no longer enjoy petrol subsidies that cost the government RM20 billion annually. He also said that his government would look at getting the wealthy to pay higher education and healthcare fees, which are also currently subsidised for all citizens. Over in the sleepy town of Kuala Kubu Bharu, about an hour’s drive from Kuala Lumpur, a century-old coffee shop is a promising example of multicultural unity at work. The Chinese owner of Sun Sun Nam Cheong restaurant, Mr Tan Sew Sewan, 77, is preparing to hand over his business to his employees, as his three children are pursuing other careers. “I plan on passing this business to my staff. Whoever is interested and best-suited will inherit it. It doesn’t matter who they are, what race they are from.” A 17-year-old Malay part-time worker, a student who wanted to be known only as Bob, is learning the ropes from Mr Tan. He began working at the coffee shop six months ago to support his ill mother and younger brother. “Multiculturalism is very important to me. If it weren’t for Uncle Tan, I wouldn’t have had this opportunity to learn from him about how to run a restaurant business. As Malaysians, we shouldn’t just tolerate one another but accept one another,” said Bob.NEW YORK (AP) — President-elect Donald Trump’s lawyers formally asked a judge Monday to throw out his hush money criminal conviction , arguing that continuing the case would present unconstitutional “disruptions to the institution of the Presidency.“ In a filing made public Tuesday, Trump’s lawyers told Manhattan Judge Juan M. Merchan that anything short of immediate dismissal would undermine the transition of power, as well as the “overwhelming national mandate” granted to Trump by voters last month. They also cited President Joe Biden’s recent pardon of his son, Hunter Biden, who had been convicted of tax and gun charges . “President Biden asserted that his son was ‘selectively, and unfairly, prosecuted,’ and ‘treated differently,’” Trump’s legal team wrote. Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg, they claimed, had engaged in the type of political theater “that President Biden condemned.” Prosecutors will have until Dec. 9 to respond. They have said they will fight any efforts to dismiss the case but have indicated a willingness to delay the sentencing until after Trump’s second term ends in 2029. In their filing Monday, Trump’s attorneys dismissed the idea of holding off sentencing until Trump is out of office as a “ridiculous suggestion.” Following Trump’s election victory last month, Merchan halted proceedings and indefinitely postponed his sentencing, previously scheduled for late November, to allow the defense and prosecution to weigh in on the future of the case. He also delayed a decision on Trump’s prior bid to dismiss the case on immunity grounds. Trump has been fighting for months to reverse his conviction on 34 counts of falsifying business records to conceal a $130,000 payment to porn actor Stormy Daniels to suppress her claim that they had sex a decade earlier. He says they did not and denies any wrongdoing. The defense filing was signed by Trump lawyers Todd Blanche and Emil Bove, who represented Trump during the trial and have since been selected by the president-elect to fill senior roles at the Justice Department. Taking a swipe at Bragg and New York City, as Trump often did throughout the trial, the filing argues that dismissal would also benefit the public by giving him and “the numerous prosecutors assigned to this case a renewed opportunity to put an end to deteriorating conditions in the City and to protect its residents from violent crime.” Clearing Trump, the lawyers added, would also allow him to “to devote all of his energy to protecting the Nation.” Merchan hasn’t yet set a timetable for a decision. He could decide to uphold the verdict and proceed to sentencing, delay the case until Trump leaves office, wait until a federal appeals court rules on Trump’s parallel effort to get the case moved out of state court or choose some other option. An outright dismissal of the New York case would further lift a legal cloud that at one point carried the prospect of derailing Trump’s political future. Last week, special counsel Jack Smith told courts that he was withdrawing both federal cases against Trump — one charging him with hoarding classified documents at his Florida estate, the other with scheming to overturn the 2020 presidential election he lost — citing longstanding Justice Department policy that shields a president from indictment while in office. The hush money case was the only one of Trump’s four criminal indictments to go to trial, resulting in a historic verdict that made him the first former president to be convicted of a crime. Prosecutors had cast the payout as part of a Trump-driven effort to keep voters from hearing salacious stories about him. Trump’s then-lawyer Michael Cohen paid Daniels. Trump later reimbursed him, and Trump’s company logged the reimbursements as legal expenses — concealing what they really were, prosecutors alleged. Trump has said the payments to Cohen were properly categorized as legal expenses for legal work. A month after the verdict, the Supreme Court ruled that ex-presidents can’t be prosecuted for official acts — things they did in the course of running the country — and that prosecutors can’t cite those actions to bolster a case centered on purely personal, unofficial conduct. Trump’s lawyers cited the ruling to argue that the hush money jury got some improper evidence, such as Trump’s presidential financial disclosure form, testimony from some White House aides and social media posts made during his first term. Prosecutors disagreed and said the evidence in question was only “a sliver” of their case. If the verdict stands and the case proceeds to sentencing, Trump’s punishments would range from a fine to probation to up to four years in prison — but it’s unlikely he’d spend any time behind bars for a first-time conviction involving charges in the lowest tier of felonies. Because it is a state case, Trump would not be able to pardon himself once he returns to office.

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DA suggests unusual idea for halting Trump's hush money case while upholding convictionSAO PAULO (AP) — Police have formally accused Brazil’s former President Jair Bolsonaro and 36 others of attempting a coup to keep the right-wing leader in office after his electoral defeat in 2022. Their allegations threaten to torpedo Bolsonaro's hopes of returning to politics. Brazil’s Supreme Court said Friday that police findings were delivered to Justice Alexandre de Moraes, who next week will relay them to Prosecutor-General Paulo Gonet. He will decide whether to formally charge Bolsonaro or toss the investigation. Bolsonaro told the news website Metropoles on Thursday that he is waiting for his lawyer to review the police report, which is reportedly about 700 pages long, but that he would fight the case. He dismissed the investigation as the result of “creativity.” The former president denies that he tried to stay in office after his narrow electoral defeat in 2022 to leftist President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Bolsonaro has since faced a series of legal threats. That police are seeking formal charges indicates the investigation found evidence of “a crime and its author,” and it is likely there are legal grounds for the prosecutor-general to file charges, said Eloísa Machado de Almeida, a law professor at Getulio Vargas Foundation, a university in Sao Paulo. On Friday, the attorney for Bolsonaro’s former right hand, Lt. Col. Mauro Cid, said in a live television interview that his client had informed the Supreme Court that Bolsonaro was aware of the coup plot. “The then-president knew it all. Actually, he led this organization,” Cid’s attorney, Cezar Bitencourt, told network GloboNews. Just minutes later, Bitencourt partially retracted his statement. "I didn’t say Bolsonaro knew it all. ‘All’ is a lot. He was evidently aware of some things.” Police said the Supreme Court agreed to the release all 37 names in the police report “to avoid the dissemination of incorrect news.” Among them are dozens of former and current Bolsonaro aides, including: Gen. Walter Braga Netto, who was his running mate in the 2022 campaign; former Army commander Gen. Paulo Sérgio Nogueira de Oliveira; Valdemar Costa Neto, the chairman of Bolsonaro’s Liberal Party; and his veteran former adviser, Gen. Augusto Heleno. Braga Netto’s lawyers said they would wait to formally receive the police documents before making any comments. The retired general shared their statement on X late Thursday. Bolsonaro is already accused separately of smuggling diamond jewelry into Brazil and directing Lt. Col. Cid to falsify his and others’ COVID-19 vaccination statuses. Bolsonaro has denied those charges. Another probe found he abused his authority by casting doubt on Brazil's electoral system, and judges on the top electoral court barred him from running again until 2030. Still, he insists he will run in 2026, and many in his orbit were heartened by President-elect Donald Trump's recent election win despite his swirling legal troubles. Local media report that Gonet is already under pressure to move forward with multiple investigations against the former president, and politicians say if the 69-year-old Bolsonaro does stand trial his allies and rivals will race to seize his influence with voters. “Bolsonaro is no longer the sole leader of the right-wing. He is coming out of mayoral elections in which most of his candidates lost. All these probes don’t help him at all,” said Carlos Melo, a political science professor at Insper, a university in Sao Paulo. “The governor of Sao Paulo, Tarcísio de Freitas, the radical candidate for Sao Paulo mayorship Pablo Marçal, the governor of Goias state, Ronaldo Caiado ... There are politicians lining up to court Bolsonaro voters,” Melo said. Creomar de Souza, a political analyst of Dharma Political Risk and Strategy, said the formal accusation is “obviously bad” for Bolsonaro, but that it might not impede him if he does decide to run for office again. “This could give those targeted a chance to portray themselves as being persecuted,” de Souza said, adding that could benefit them. Bolsonaro's allies in Congress have been negotiating a bill to pardon individuals who stormed the Brazilian capital and rioted on Jan. 8, 2023, in an attempt to keep the former president in power. Analysts have speculated that lawmakers want to extend the legislation to cover the former president himself. However, efforts to push a broad amnesty bill would be “politically challenging” in light of the new allegations against Bolsonaro and others, Machado said. On Tuesday, Federal Police arrested four military and a Federal Police officer, accused of plotting to assassinate Lula and Supreme Court Justice Alexandre de Moraes in an effort to overthrow the government following the 2022 elections. Last week, a man tried to enter the Supreme Court in the capital Brasilia with explosives but was blocked by guards. He threw the explosives outside the building , killing himself.

Criticism of Israel or the war in Gaza doesn't amount to anti-Semitism, the foreign minister says, as Australia grapples with an increase in the vile sentiment. or signup to continue reading Many in Australia's Jewish community are feeling scared and unsafe and anti-Semitism must be rejected at every turn, Penny Wong says. "We know that cruel acts of anti-Semitism evoke some of the darkest episodes in the history of the Jewish people," she said in a major foreign policy speech at the University of South Australia on Monday night. "We condemn and reject anti-Semitism wherever it occurs - acts of hate have no place in Australia." But people needed to respectfully disagree on points of difference and avoid "misrepresenting views and exaggerating differences" to stop the conflict in the Middle East spurring friction in Australia, she said. "It's not anti-Semitic to expect that Israel should comply with the international law that applies to all countries," Senator Wong said. "Nor is it anti-Semitic to call for children and other civilians to be protected or to call for a two-state solution that enables Israelis and Palestinians to live in peace and security." Her comments followed Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu criticising the Australian government for holding an "extreme anti-Israel position" that he linked to a firebombing of a Melbourne synagogue. Mr Netanyahu and Jewish groups in Australia were critical of the federal government voting in support of a pro-Palestinian motion at the United Nations. The motion was supported by almost 160 members while only a handful, including the United States and Israel, voted against it. Australia's special envoy to combat anti-Semitism, Jillian Segal said it wasn't necessarily anti-Semitic for people to call for a two-state solution or the recognition of Palestinian statehood. The internationally accepted definition of anti-Semitism "makes it clear that criticism of Israel in a form that you would normally criticise another country, like its policies, is fine", she said. "But criticism of Israel, which damns it as a country that should be abolished, that should no longer exist, that all the Jews should disappear - that is anti-Semitic." It was the same definition Senator Wong referenced in her speech as both called for anti-Semitism to transcend politics and for the community to come together after the synagogue attack. People needed to avoid "exploiting the trend towards echo chambers where people only hear bad things about others and don't see for themselves what's good about others", Senator Wong said. In all the discussions of the Middle East, the Jewish community felt like the hostages taken by Hamas - scores of which remain captive in Gaza - have been forgotten. "There are these credibly important souls that have been suffering for an enormous length of time and they need to be at the forefront of our collective thinking to bring them home," Ms Segal said. Advertisement Sign up for our newsletter to stay up to date. We care about the protection of your data. Read our . AdvertisementWiikwemkoong Leads the Way in Green Innovation with EV Infrastructure Project

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Cambrian College in Sudbury helping students for 'Giving Tuesday'NEW YORK (AP) — President-elect Donald Trump’s lawyers formally asked a judge Monday to throw out his hush money criminal conviction, arguing continuing the case would present unconstitutional “disruptions to the institution of the Presidency.“ In a filing made public Tuesday, Trump’s lawyers told Manhattan Judge Juan M. Merchan that dismissal is warranted because of the extraordinary circumstances of his impending return to the White House. “Wrongly continuing proceedings in this failed lawfare case disrupts President Trump’s transition efforts,” the attorneys continued, before citing the “overwhelming national mandate granted to him by the American people on November 5, 2024.” Prosecutors will have until Dec. 9 to respond. They have said they will fight any efforts to dismiss the case but have indicated openness to delaying sentencing until after Trump’s second term ends in 2029. Following Trump’s election victory last month, Merchan halted proceedings and indefinitely postponed his sentencing, previously scheduled for late November, to allow the defense and prosecution to weigh in on the future of the case. He also delayed a decision on Trump’s prior bid to dismiss the case on immunity grounds. Trump has been fighting for months to reverse the conviction, which involved efforts to conceal a $130,000 payment to porn actor Stormy Daniels, whose affair allegations threatened to disrupt his 2016 campaign. He has denied any wrongdoing. Trump takes office Jan. 20. Merchan hasn’t set a timetable for a decision. A dismissal would erase Trump’s historic conviction, sparing him the cloud of a criminal record and possible prison sentence. Trump is the first former president to be convicted of a crime and the first convicted criminal to be elected to the office. Merchan could also decide to uphold the verdict and proceed to sentencing, delay the case until Trump leaves office, wait until a federal appeals court rules on Trump’s parallel effort to get the case moved out of state court or choose some other option.

SINGER Jennifer Lopez creates a stir as she cooks up a late feast in a revealing sequin dress. J-Lo, 55, made pasta after a night out and wrote on social media : “My favourite part about going out is coming home for the midnight snack.” Fans called it a “revenge dress” after ex Ben ­Affleck spent time with former wife Jennifer Garner. Back in August, J-Lo and Ben called it quits after less than two years of marriage. The A-listers tied the knot in a July 2022 Las Vegas ceremony and had a more extravagant celebration the following month in Georgia. Jennifer filed for divorce from Ben after months of split speculation. READ MORE ON J-LO JLo filed legal documents in Los Angeles County Superior Court pro per - meaning without an attorney. The Atlas actress listed the date of separation as April 26, 2024. Ironically, the date of the filing, August 20, is the second anniversary of the ex- couple's traditional wedding ceremony they held in Georgia. The Sun recently revealed Jennifer is planning to head back into the studio to use her heartbreak as inspiration for a new album. Most read in Celebrity A source exclusively told The U.S. Sun J-Lo's album is shaping up to be her "most emotional yet".Popular fast-food sandwich chain files for Chapter 11 bankruptcy

Like Moses in the Bible, taking the lead and parting the ‘Red Sea’ isn’t new to Super Eagles forward, Moses Simon. For the umpteenth time in his career at Nantes, the Nigerian is playing the lead role for the Canaries in the French Ligue 1, with four goals and four assists – a uniform goal contribution which puts him head and shoulder above the rest of his teammates this season. His fourth goal of the season received quite the attention although it’s not the first time the 29-year-old winger has scored such a goal. With their Breton derby against Stade Rennes heading for another potentially damaging draw, Simon changed the course of the game in the 89th minute with an individual effort – taking on three Rennes players in their red shirts before unleashing a finish into the far corner. The goal made the entire Stade de la Beaujoire vibrate, and Nantes were out of the relegation zone thanks to Moses, whose goal secured their third win of the season – their first win since August 31 away at Montpellier. The Canaries are currently 13th in the Ligue 1 with 14 points in as many games, winning three, drawing five and losing six. When the Nigerian is not scoring, he is also assisting. That has seen him register two goals and one assist in their last six games. This season, his contributions have earned the club six points, excluding matches he also scored when they lost or won with more than a goal. Having failed in their last 10 league games, Sunday’s win provided a fresh breath of air for Nantes and their fans. Simon is currently the top scorer and playmaker for the club in the 2024/25 season and he could also be on his way to bettering his scoring record at the club, where he is currently in his sixth season. Related News On the board! Arokodare scores, Simon renders assist to complete a delightful weekend Saint-Etienne stop Simon equalling Nantes’ record Last season, no thanks to an injury that hampered him in March, he had three goals and five assists in 22 league games and his best return so far for Nantes in six years was in the 2021/22 season when he provided six goals and eight assists in 30 league games. At his current return rate this season, the 29-year-old seems more than ever to embody the X-factor character that he has played in recent years but he is more concerned about the club’s progress. “For me, it is not important. What is important is winning. The X-factor is the whole team,” Moses said via Football Ligue 1. Almost three years ago, Moses scored the same goal, at the same moment in a match against Lens, sparking a sense of deja vu among their fans and coach. “He is committed to scoring a goal like that more than once a season,” said Nantes coach Antoine Kombouaré “He had the physical resource at this moment of the match to pass like a dragster and the lucidity to put the ball deep. It turned into an exploit. “When you are in tough conditions, you can score on a set piece or an individual feat, that of Matthis Abline (Paris) or Simon in a form like this,” said Kombouaré. Sunday’s win must have brought a relief for Simon and his teammates, and they will hope to build on that when they face Brest away on Sunday.Creating and maintaining an effective team, whether in business or education, has never been more important than today. After surviving the worst global pandemic in a century, and navigating economic challenges in an ever-changing political environment, ensuring you already have an effective team can be daunting. Perhaps in higher education, with the potential of lower enrollments, rising expenditures and more limited financial resources for funding higher wages, finding and keeping your IT team will be difficult. In some ways, just keeping your employees engaged has become a global challenge. According to a 2024 on the state of the global workplace, “the majority of the world’s employees continue to struggle at work and in life, with direct consequences for organizational productivity.” The study also estimated $8.9 trillion was lost in global GDP due to this problem. Given today’s nimble work population, if higher education cannot afford current salary levels, and the institutional environment is already poor, employees will simply move on to more promising job opportunities. So, to create and maintain a successful team, in your IT department and throughout your campus, you should carefully define, analyze and review your work environment from the top down. A September 2024 article on the business website Upwork titled, " ," lists a number of important and helpful steps you can take to achieve this goal. As we all reflect upon our staff and our general work environment in higher education, especially over the past several years, I pulled together a top 25 to-do list for the upcoming year. The list is in no particular order, but intended to recognize the dedication of the IT staff, which at times are forgotten or go unnoticed. The list is also intended to consider all the technological tools at our disposal, how to use them effectively, how to leverage educational technology in the future, and how to lead and manage our employees. 1. Work to recruit and retain the very best IT staff for my institution. 2. Protect my campus from a major cyber or ransomware attack. 3. Make certain all of our institutional data backups are both secure and fully tested, so we can confidently rely upon them for full operational use. 4. Before the next big decision at a meeting, ask the question, “Who should have been at the table who hasn’t been invited before?” 5. Provide special thanks to the staff at the help desk. Provide the staff with coffee, treats and make them feel they are valued. Offer them praise and validation for jobs well done. 6. Whatever direction the political winds are blowing, make sure our students, faculty and staff are thought of as essential to our country’s successful and peaceful future. 7. Ensure AI is utilized ethically and incorporate the elements of transparency, impartiality, accountability, reliability, security and privacy. 8. Continue working to ensure instruction can be supplemented and supported with educational technology which fosters individualized learning for each student. 9. Make use of technology which is translucent — meaning it’s there when you need it but doesn’t overtake the classroom or the moment, or interfere with important social interaction or conversation. 10. Make certain the CIO or CTO always has a seat at the table for administrative discussions and decisions. 11. Have all faculty, staff and students continually utilize good cybersecurity practices. 12. Create an environment where campus administrators support and practice cybersecurity protocols, and consistent cyber training occurs. 13. Ensure the IT department can communicate clearly, concisely, consistently and effectively to the campus community. 14. Work diligently to promote the concept of servant leadership throughout IT and the campus. Manage others as you would prefer to be managed yourself. 15. Foster IT leadership that leads with purpose, collaboration and teamwork. 16. When leading, celebrate successes as well as acknowledging failures. Learn from both to chart a successful course for the future. 17. Strive for a work-life balance, both for yourself and staff. 18. Provide training and professional development opportunities for team members. 19. Ensure you have developed a team atmosphere and a culture of trust. 20. Encourage IT leadership and staff to get out of the office and travel the campus to meet and greet faculty, staff and students on a regular basis. 21. Create a work environment with clear goals, measurable objectives and expectations. 22. Work to empower staff and appropriately delegate responsibility so there can be mutual professional growth and development. 23. Encourage staff to take calculated risks and learn from them. 24. Manage but don’t micromanage. 25. Continually motivate your IT staff with positivity. Tackling some or all of these items takes strong, resilient and empathetic leadership. Sam Walton, a well-known American businessperson and founder of Walmart and Sam’s Club, probably said it best: “Outstanding leaders go out of their way to boost the self-esteem of their personnel. If people believe in themselves, it's amazing what they can accomplish.” The upcoming months may bring a fair amount of uncertainty and dynamic challenges. The key for leaders and managers is to believe that positive change can pay long-term dividends. The one-word quote from the hit TV series , from the coach himself, makes for a perfect parting message: “BELIEVE.” We can achieve a great deal by following and sharing each of these wishes to ensure our mutually productive future. Believe me.Wall Street Stumbles as Nvidia's Troubles Ignite Tech Sector Decline

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